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'underclass' which, certainly in the United States, has readily tended to be conducted
in ethnic terms.
What does all this add up to in terms of the implication for our ability to "measure"
integration? To go back to the outline of the UK data, one can see a picture building
up in which it becomes clear that not all minority groups are equally disadvantaged
and that the most disadvantaged aren't necessarily disadvantaged in the same ways.
At one level there is no problem with this. In policy terms a generic approach based
on the assumption that all minorities are disadvantaged and are disadvantaged in the
same way and for the same reasons, would not only be enormously wasteful in
resource terms, it would be doomed to failure. On the other hand one can readily
see how the necessary distinctions between ethnic groups can lend themselves over
time to the positive stereotyping of some groups and the negative stereotyping of
others. In the criminological literature, for example, one finds even self-consciously
'liberal' criminologists speculating about why (as they see it) Caribbeans are
disproportionately involved in crime when Asians aren't. Some of the terms of this
debate are so fanciful and so ill-informed as to be laughable, but it has a far more
sinister side. Currently we are seeing moves afoot amongst certain American and
European criminologists to explore at an international level why - as they see it -
certain minorities simply are more 'criminal' than others despite facing apparently
65
similar levels of disadvantage.
There is then a tension and a difficult balance to be struck.
On the one hand we can agree that, in principle, we need more and more refined
forms of measurement across a very wide range of indicators of integration and we
need these for four main reasons.
- First we need statistics to establish the extent and the specific ways in
which different groups are not yet integrated within the mainstream of
society. (And by `integrated' I mean able - without surrendering their ethnic
identity and culture - fully to participate in all aspects of national life and to
benefit from that participation at both an individual and a group level.)
- The second purpose is to try to establish the reasons for the extent and
form of this exclusion.
- Thirdly we need the information under the previous two headings to inform
the development of policies intended to promote integration.
- And fourthly, we need the information over time as a scientific check on
whether such policies are proving effective.
On the other hand we are faced with a number of questions to which there are no
easy answers but which are simply set out for debate. They are of three very
different types:
- Firstly, is it realistic to expect to generate data which would meet the
criteria set out earlier? And, if not, what is the best we can hope for? Which
indicators should be prioritised and for which groups? How can the need
for continuity be reconciled with the need to keep track of change? Above
all, given (a) that reliable and comprehensive data are probably too much
for hope for and (b) that data in any case do not explain themselves, what
other tools and research approaches are required - and in what
combination?
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- Secondly, there may be serious dangers in aspiring to make international
comparisons given a) the pitfalls at national level b) that progress towards
overcoming them will be very uneven indeed and c) that the type of data
needed and the basis on which it is collected may, in any case, legitimately
differ quite markedly from one country to another.
- Thirdly, is it possible to avoid scoring an own goal? That is, is it possible to
generate, publicise, use and compare such data over time without the risk
that they may end up militating against integration rather than working in its
favour?
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International migration statistics
Thana Chrissanthaki and Lars Ostby
(EUROSTAT)
Introduction
Comparability ...
Eurostat launched its programme on international migration statistics in 1988. An
initial study was carried out by M. Poulain, University of Louvain, on behalf of
Eurostat on the collection systems existing in the EU member states, for international
migration flows and on the possibility of harmonising these statistics. The study
showed the broad differences that existed - and still exist - among the various
countries with respect to the collection methods, definitions and characteristics. The [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]

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